Showing posts with label Djibouti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Djibouti. Show all posts
Thursday, May 26, 2011
Monday, March 14, 2011
Ummad Walba Oo Dunida Guud-Keeda Ku Nool Waxay U Baahantahay Xornimmo!
Sida aad ka aragto cajalkan muuqaal-ka ahi ummadani waxa ay u dhaqaaq-day oo ay warmaha u qaateen sidii ay ugu dagaalami lahaayeen xornimmadooda taasoo aanay ku qancayn wax ka hooseeya, waxayna u astays-teen calan si ay taa u gaadhaan, haddaba Shacabka ree Ogadenia miyuu ka tabar & taag la' yahay ummadan go'aan satay sidii ay ugu noolaan lahaayeen "xornimmo" mise waa ay garab & gaashaan waayeen ???
Hadii aan soo qaato hadalada mid kamida halgamayaashan oo ah Oday da' ah sida aad daawateen ba wuxuu sheegay in aanu ku qancayn wax ka hooseeya "xornimmo buuxda", wuxuu kaloo uu caddeeyay ama uu yidhi, inkasta oo aan da' ahay haddana waxaan u istaagay sidii aan u dagaalami lahaa wax baqdin ihina iguma jirto! intaa kuma uuna hakane wuxuu hoosta ka xarriiqay in aanay weligood ka laabanayn oo aanay joojinayn halganka ay ugu jiraan xorriyaddooda. "Papua Freedom" Ogadenia Freedom!!!
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Making exceptions for Ethiopia
Meles Zenawi thinks the west's attitude to Africa is unbalanced and unfair. But his country is being torn apart by human rights abuses
January 30, 2008 6:30 PM Printable version
Western policy towards Africa is ill-informed and inconsistent. That's the message of Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, in his interview in the Guardian last week. And there's some truth in what he says. But Meles should be careful what he wishes for.
If the west was better informed about the war crimes and human rights abuses committed by Meles' military forces in Somalia and Ogaden, western taxpayers might balk at the thought that their governments are providing Ethiopia with hundreds of millions of dollars of military and economic aid.
And if western governments were more consistent and less selective in their reaction to human rights abuses around the world, they might be less inclined to turn a blind eye to Ethiopia's failure to abide by international norms in pursuit of its military objectives in Somalia and Ogaden.
Last year, Human Rights Watch documented a disturbing pattern of abuses by all sides, including Ethiopia, in the dangerous armed conflict which erupted after Meles sent his army into Somalia to dislodge the Islamic Courts Union, a group which many say has links to international terrorists. In its subsequent struggle with Somali insurgents, Ethiopia has committed serious violations of the Geneva conventions including the carpet-bombing of residential districts of Mogadishu, the deliberate targeting of hospitals and arbitrary executions.
Human Rights Watch has also documented abuses by Ethiopian forces in its simultaneous counter-insurgency campaign against the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali region of southeastern Ethiopia. These include the systematic use of rape, torture and execution as a means of terrorising and collectively punishing the civilian population, a partial trade blockade of districts deemed sympathetic to the rebels and the destruction of villages.
There are good reasons why Ethiopia's western backers do not jump to condemn Meles with the same speed with which they rightly condemn, say, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe or Sudan's Omar al-Bashir. In his almost 20 years in power, Meles, a former rebel leader, has transformed Ethiopia from a war-torn, famine-prone dictatorship into a relatively stable state which combines elements of both democracy and authoritarianism. He has won plaudits from donors for poverty reduction and good economic stewardship.
Meles' supporters also make allowances for the fact that he is the key regional player operating in a tough neighbourhood. Somalia is a failed state; Eritrea is a closed dictatorship that has picked fights with most of its neighbours; Sudan defies the UN and the international criminal court in their efforts to secure peace and accountability in Darfur; and now Kenya is slipping into its worst political crisis since independence.
But above all western politicians and diplomats warm to Meles, because they concur with his analysis that he is a bulwark against the spread of Islamist militancy in the Horn of Africa. Meles plays this card well. He is helped by the fact that the influence of political Islam is strong and growing among the large Muslim populations of the region. Furthermore, Islamist militants, some with links to international terrorist organisations, are operating in Somalia, Kenya and elsewhere in the Horn.
But, while these considerations can help to nuance the west's diplomatic, economic and military relations with Meles, they can be no excuse for the war crimes and gross violations of human rights that Human Rights Watch has documented in Somalia and Ogaden. These unjustifiable acts are not only morally repugnant; they are also counterproductive. They serve to undermine international respect for the rule of law and they are likely to sharpen radicalisation and conflict in what is already one of the most dangerous parts of the world.
The west's failure to acknowledge the reality of what is going on in these remote and inaccessible places and its failure to call for full investigations and accountability leaves the impression that when it comes to counter-terrorism, anything goes. It is a shortsighted policy that is already backfiring in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq and Lebanon - and it will backfire here too.
January 30, 2008 6:30 PM Printable version
Western policy towards Africa is ill-informed and inconsistent. That's the message of Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, in his interview in the Guardian last week. And there's some truth in what he says. But Meles should be careful what he wishes for.
If the west was better informed about the war crimes and human rights abuses committed by Meles' military forces in Somalia and Ogaden, western taxpayers might balk at the thought that their governments are providing Ethiopia with hundreds of millions of dollars of military and economic aid.
And if western governments were more consistent and less selective in their reaction to human rights abuses around the world, they might be less inclined to turn a blind eye to Ethiopia's failure to abide by international norms in pursuit of its military objectives in Somalia and Ogaden.
Last year, Human Rights Watch documented a disturbing pattern of abuses by all sides, including Ethiopia, in the dangerous armed conflict which erupted after Meles sent his army into Somalia to dislodge the Islamic Courts Union, a group which many say has links to international terrorists. In its subsequent struggle with Somali insurgents, Ethiopia has committed serious violations of the Geneva conventions including the carpet-bombing of residential districts of Mogadishu, the deliberate targeting of hospitals and arbitrary executions.
Human Rights Watch has also documented abuses by Ethiopian forces in its simultaneous counter-insurgency campaign against the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali region of southeastern Ethiopia. These include the systematic use of rape, torture and execution as a means of terrorising and collectively punishing the civilian population, a partial trade blockade of districts deemed sympathetic to the rebels and the destruction of villages.
There are good reasons why Ethiopia's western backers do not jump to condemn Meles with the same speed with which they rightly condemn, say, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe or Sudan's Omar al-Bashir. In his almost 20 years in power, Meles, a former rebel leader, has transformed Ethiopia from a war-torn, famine-prone dictatorship into a relatively stable state which combines elements of both democracy and authoritarianism. He has won plaudits from donors for poverty reduction and good economic stewardship.
Meles' supporters also make allowances for the fact that he is the key regional player operating in a tough neighbourhood. Somalia is a failed state; Eritrea is a closed dictatorship that has picked fights with most of its neighbours; Sudan defies the UN and the international criminal court in their efforts to secure peace and accountability in Darfur; and now Kenya is slipping into its worst political crisis since independence.
But above all western politicians and diplomats warm to Meles, because they concur with his analysis that he is a bulwark against the spread of Islamist militancy in the Horn of Africa. Meles plays this card well. He is helped by the fact that the influence of political Islam is strong and growing among the large Muslim populations of the region. Furthermore, Islamist militants, some with links to international terrorist organisations, are operating in Somalia, Kenya and elsewhere in the Horn.
But, while these considerations can help to nuance the west's diplomatic, economic and military relations with Meles, they can be no excuse for the war crimes and gross violations of human rights that Human Rights Watch has documented in Somalia and Ogaden. These unjustifiable acts are not only morally repugnant; they are also counterproductive. They serve to undermine international respect for the rule of law and they are likely to sharpen radicalisation and conflict in what is already one of the most dangerous parts of the world.
The west's failure to acknowledge the reality of what is going on in these remote and inaccessible places and its failure to call for full investigations and accountability leaves the impression that when it comes to counter-terrorism, anything goes. It is a shortsighted policy that is already backfiring in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq and Lebanon - and it will backfire here too.
Monday, January 21, 2008
DD WALLER PAYMASTER TO THE 3rd KAR & PROTECTOR OF INDIAN IMMIGRATION TO EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE
DD WALLER PAYMASTER TO THE 3rd KAR & PROTECTOR OF
INDIAN IMMIGRATION TO EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By Keith Steward FRGS
Desmond Dalyrymple Waller was a colonial administrator in the East
Africa Protectorate (EAP,Kenya after 1928) from May 1899 until
October 1916. He started in the treasury department and was promoted
to be the Officer in Charge of Indian Immigration in November 1902.
During the early part of his service he was seconded on three occasions
to be Paymaster to the military forces. Indeed, in the staff list for January
1903, he is shown as ‘Paymaster’, not in the treasury department, but in
the King’s African Rifles (KAR). This is confirmed in an unpublished
regimental history of 3 KAR:
Mr Waller was transferred from the Treasury and appointed Paymaster to the
battalion. In 1904 he was succeeded by Mr Armitstead. 1
Desmond Waller was Paymaster to the East African Rifle’s 2 and
subsequently the 3rd battalion the King’s African Rifles on two punitive
expeditions against troublesome African tribes.3 His first campaign
against the Ogaden Somalis in 1900-1(the 2nd Ogaden expedition) 4
involved extensive close order fighting in tall elephant grass, the second
expedition, against the Nandi in 1905-6 was a tedious affair took nine
months to complete.5 Waller served in the field with the troops on both
occasions and suffered severely from heat stroke while in Jubaland
during July 1901.
Waller’s title was changed to Protector of Immigrants in April 1904;
however he was seconded to the military a third time for the punitive
expedition against the Nandi in October 1905. He was promoted Director
of Transport &Principal Immigration Officer in December 1911. He
retired on pension in October 1916.
1 NA (UK) WO106/270, manuscript copy of the history of 3rd KAR 1895-1929.
2 The East African Rifles became the 3rd battalion King’s African Rifles on 1 January 1902.
3 NA (UK) WO339/123579: letter written by Waller to the War Office 18 July 1917.
4 November 16 1900 to April 30 1901: Army Order No 133 of 1902.
5 October 18 1905 to July 6 1906: Army Order No 92 of 1909.
INDIAN IMMIGRATION TO EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By Keith Steward FRGS
Desmond Dalyrymple Waller was a colonial administrator in the East
Africa Protectorate (EAP,Kenya after 1928) from May 1899 until
October 1916. He started in the treasury department and was promoted
to be the Officer in Charge of Indian Immigration in November 1902.
During the early part of his service he was seconded on three occasions
to be Paymaster to the military forces. Indeed, in the staff list for January
1903, he is shown as ‘Paymaster’, not in the treasury department, but in
the King’s African Rifles (KAR). This is confirmed in an unpublished
regimental history of 3 KAR:
Mr Waller was transferred from the Treasury and appointed Paymaster to the
battalion. In 1904 he was succeeded by Mr Armitstead. 1
Desmond Waller was Paymaster to the East African Rifle’s 2 and
subsequently the 3rd battalion the King’s African Rifles on two punitive
expeditions against troublesome African tribes.3 His first campaign
against the Ogaden Somalis in 1900-1(the 2nd Ogaden expedition) 4
involved extensive close order fighting in tall elephant grass, the second
expedition, against the Nandi in 1905-6 was a tedious affair took nine
months to complete.5 Waller served in the field with the troops on both
occasions and suffered severely from heat stroke while in Jubaland
during July 1901.
Waller’s title was changed to Protector of Immigrants in April 1904;
however he was seconded to the military a third time for the punitive
expedition against the Nandi in October 1905. He was promoted Director
of Transport &Principal Immigration Officer in December 1911. He
retired on pension in October 1916.
1 NA (UK) WO106/270, manuscript copy of the history of 3rd KAR 1895-1929.
2 The East African Rifles became the 3rd battalion King’s African Rifles on 1 January 1902.
3 NA (UK) WO339/123579: letter written by Waller to the War Office 18 July 1917.
4 November 16 1900 to April 30 1901: Army Order No 133 of 1902.
5 October 18 1905 to July 6 1906: Army Order No 92 of 1909.
Saturday, January 19, 2008
Statement: Despite Worsening Humanitarian Disaster in the Ogaden Aid Agencies succumb to Ethiopian Pressure.
January 19, 2008
The Ogaden National Liberation Front informs the international community that the Situation in the Ogaden is getting out of hand. Despite UN and international donors’ attempts to alleviate the situation, the Ethiopian government has succeeded in forcing Aid agencies into submission. Instead of inducing the Ethiopian government to allow food aid to reach the needy and open up corridors of trade, the UN seems to accept Ethiopia ’s demand that food supplies are managed at its own terms, disregarding international norms in conflict zones. The UN did not give the Sudanese government the same privilege in Darfur .
Ethiopia’s has forfeited its dubious claim of sovereignty over the Ogaden by committing acts tantamount to genocide against the Ogaden Somalis in violation of international Humanitarian law enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Geneva convention. Taking advantage of the lack of adequate resolve against its intransigence Ethiopia has set up mechanisms to manipulate international aid to further its objectives. Now the Ethiopian government is hording the food in military camps and surreptitiously trying to buy loyalty. In Addition Ethiopia is using food aid to recruit local and other militias on the Somali border.
To complicate the matter further the Aid Agencies are allowing Ethiopia to compromise their neutrality in the conflict by accepting Ethiopia ’s condition that the Ethiopian army escort Food convoys. This army is the one that is actively committing crimes again humanity in the Ogaden. In this regard, the Aid agencies are fulfilling two objectives for the Ethiopian regime. First, they are providing cover to allow the troops free movement under the UN flag. Secondly, as Ogaden National Liberation Army will not spare Ethiopian troops regardless of what guise they take, knowing this Ethiopia is setting the Aid agencies as a de facto enemy of ONLF and the Ogaden People. Thirdly, by associating publicly with the criminal army, the Aid lose its credibility in the eyes of the Ogaden people, thus becoming a colluding partner in the Crimes committed by the Ethiopian army, and provides an aura of respectability to them. ONLF understands the need for security and is ready to explore the modalities of such a security with all relevant parties.
Earlier this month, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), has stated, “The humanitarian situation in the region has been compounded by poor rains and the decreasing availability of pasture and water, while food prices are being pushed up by restrictions on the cross-border movement of goods.” However, what is not on this report is that thousands of Ethiopian Troops are blocking every water hole in the rural areas. These are the most affected rural areas in the region that the Ethiopian army had denied the people access to Aid or trade. The regime’s troops had increased their inhumane activities and are preventing the people to their traditional water wells and access to food aid at height of the dry season, which even without Ethiopian siege would have been hard. Ethiopia is doing all in order to suppress the peoples resistance against tyranny and violation of their Human Rights, dignity and right to decent living like other people all over the world.
Although the UN is intention in the Ogaden is genuine, still it is averting its eyes from the real cause of the calamity- an Ethiopian government engineered famine in the Ogaden. By attributing the cause of crisis to natural causes as poor rainy season or lack of military escort, the UN is indirectly masking the crimes of the Ethiopian regime and contributing to the further suffering of the Ogaden Somali people.
Gauging the current developments of events in the Ogaden and the diffident approach of the international community towards the intransigence of Meles regime, the Ogaden will become another graveyard and millions of women and children may perish in the coming months. The current situation in the Ogaden parallels the attempts by the Regime of Mengistu to quell the rebellion of the Tigray and Eritrean people and the resultant famine that killed hundreds of thousands in the mid eighties. Unless the international community exerts adequate pressure on the Ethiopian, government compelling it to stop it pogrom and embarks on a comprehensive program to find a viable solution to conflict.
Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)
The ONLF is a grassroots social and political movement founded in 1984 by the Somali people of Ogaden who could no longer bear the atrocities committed against them by successive Ethiopian regimes. Today, the ONLF as both an advocate for and defender of the people is dedicated to restoring the rights of Somalis in Ogaden to self-determination, peace, development and democracy.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front informs the international community that the Situation in the Ogaden is getting out of hand. Despite UN and international donors’ attempts to alleviate the situation, the Ethiopian government has succeeded in forcing Aid agencies into submission. Instead of inducing the Ethiopian government to allow food aid to reach the needy and open up corridors of trade, the UN seems to accept Ethiopia ’s demand that food supplies are managed at its own terms, disregarding international norms in conflict zones. The UN did not give the Sudanese government the same privilege in Darfur .
Ethiopia’s has forfeited its dubious claim of sovereignty over the Ogaden by committing acts tantamount to genocide against the Ogaden Somalis in violation of international Humanitarian law enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Geneva convention. Taking advantage of the lack of adequate resolve against its intransigence Ethiopia has set up mechanisms to manipulate international aid to further its objectives. Now the Ethiopian government is hording the food in military camps and surreptitiously trying to buy loyalty. In Addition Ethiopia is using food aid to recruit local and other militias on the Somali border.
To complicate the matter further the Aid Agencies are allowing Ethiopia to compromise their neutrality in the conflict by accepting Ethiopia ’s condition that the Ethiopian army escort Food convoys. This army is the one that is actively committing crimes again humanity in the Ogaden. In this regard, the Aid agencies are fulfilling two objectives for the Ethiopian regime. First, they are providing cover to allow the troops free movement under the UN flag. Secondly, as Ogaden National Liberation Army will not spare Ethiopian troops regardless of what guise they take, knowing this Ethiopia is setting the Aid agencies as a de facto enemy of ONLF and the Ogaden People. Thirdly, by associating publicly with the criminal army, the Aid lose its credibility in the eyes of the Ogaden people, thus becoming a colluding partner in the Crimes committed by the Ethiopian army, and provides an aura of respectability to them. ONLF understands the need for security and is ready to explore the modalities of such a security with all relevant parties.
Earlier this month, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), has stated, “The humanitarian situation in the region has been compounded by poor rains and the decreasing availability of pasture and water, while food prices are being pushed up by restrictions on the cross-border movement of goods.” However, what is not on this report is that thousands of Ethiopian Troops are blocking every water hole in the rural areas. These are the most affected rural areas in the region that the Ethiopian army had denied the people access to Aid or trade. The regime’s troops had increased their inhumane activities and are preventing the people to their traditional water wells and access to food aid at height of the dry season, which even without Ethiopian siege would have been hard. Ethiopia is doing all in order to suppress the peoples resistance against tyranny and violation of their Human Rights, dignity and right to decent living like other people all over the world.
Although the UN is intention in the Ogaden is genuine, still it is averting its eyes from the real cause of the calamity- an Ethiopian government engineered famine in the Ogaden. By attributing the cause of crisis to natural causes as poor rainy season or lack of military escort, the UN is indirectly masking the crimes of the Ethiopian regime and contributing to the further suffering of the Ogaden Somali people.
Gauging the current developments of events in the Ogaden and the diffident approach of the international community towards the intransigence of Meles regime, the Ogaden will become another graveyard and millions of women and children may perish in the coming months. The current situation in the Ogaden parallels the attempts by the Regime of Mengistu to quell the rebellion of the Tigray and Eritrean people and the resultant famine that killed hundreds of thousands in the mid eighties. Unless the international community exerts adequate pressure on the Ethiopian, government compelling it to stop it pogrom and embarks on a comprehensive program to find a viable solution to conflict.
Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)
The ONLF is a grassroots social and political movement founded in 1984 by the Somali people of Ogaden who could no longer bear the atrocities committed against them by successive Ethiopian regimes. Today, the ONLF as both an advocate for and defender of the people is dedicated to restoring the rights of Somalis in Ogaden to self-determination, peace, development and democracy.
Friday, January 18, 2008
U.S. Policy in the Horn of Africa
James Knight, Director, Office for East Africa, Bureau of African Affairs
Remarks from the Conference Working Toward A Lasting Peace in the OgadenThe University of San Diego, CADecember 7, 2007
Thank you for inviting me to join you here in San Diego. I want to thank the Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace and Justice, the University of San Diego, and the Ogaden Voice for Peace for this opportunity to discuss U.S. policy and engagement in the Horn of Africa, especially as it addresses Ethiopia’s Ogaden. In the Horn as elsewhere in Africa, our policy is to support good governance and prosperity for all Africans. These goals entail working to support democracy and Africa's full participation in the world economy, and, in today's world, containing international terrorism.
The Horn of Africa
As all of you know -- some much better than I -- the Horn of Africa is beset with challenges. It has been plagued with revolutions, guerrilla wars, and international conflicts since the post-colonial era began. It is a region that has historically suffered poor governance -- one need only point to the brutality of Ethiopia’s Derg, authoritarian one-party systems in much of the region until the 1990s, and Somalia’s lack of government until very recently. Winner-take-all politics and violent regime change have been the norm. The Horn's often adverse political and security climate has been a profound impediment to the region's economic development.
The Horn ranks near the bottom according to most human development indicators. The region is socially, environmentally and economically challenged. Most of its countries are lagging on the path of economic development. Despite these longstanding challenges, there are many signs of progress.
Djibouti has held peaceful elections, its port has become an economic hub, and its government has become an international partner in the fight against terrorism. Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, despite its ongoing challenges, offers the best hope for peace and stability in that tragic country for the past 20 years. Kenya has achieved strong rates of economic growth and investment as its vigorous civil society helps to fortify democratic institutions. Despite setbacks, Ethiopia continues to struggle toward democratic governance and effective anti-poverty programs. All of these countries and governments are increasingly close partners of the United States. The exception to this broadly favorable picture is Eritrea. Eritrea is increasingly authoritarian, its economy continues to worsen, and it now has established a record of interference in the affairs of its neighbors. Nonetheless, while progress is incremental, the overall trajectory of the Horn is positive.
Our Embassies in the Horn are the U.S. government’s principal platforms for promoting effective cooperation, governance reform and sustainable development. We also have a great asset to support the people of the Horn in the U.S. Central Command's Combined Joint Task Force - Horn of Africa, based in Djibouti. This Task Force is contributing to the professionalization and improved effectiveness of national armed forces in the Horn.
Eritrea
I'll now address key U.S. interests and concerns for each of the countries of the Horn, beginning with Eritrea. Eritrea is in the throes of ongoing economic decline led by a short-sighted and oppressive government. It is sorrowful to consider what has become of Eritrea in the 14 years since it gained independence. Its praiseworthy constitution has yet to be promulgated -- a sad index of the country's failed promise. President Isaias has become increasingly isolated in the region as he actively seeks to destabilize the Horn by fueling insurgencies among his neighbors and supporting groups linked to international terrorists.
Eritrean government policies have choked the Eritrean economy and consolidated power among a small group surrounding President Isaias. The government actively blocks humanitarian assistance from international donors and interdicts economic development projects, despite the enthusiasm of the international donor community to help Eritreans emerge from poverty and dependence on remittances from the Eritrean diaspora. Eritreans who flee the country's economic morass or its political repression risk their families' imprisonment and heavy fines. President Isaias permits no political opposition and no independent media. Any senior government official who dares to speak out is subject to severe punishment.
Eritrea pursues expensive and dangerous adventurism in the Horn. Eritrea materially supports extremists to undermine the internationally-supported Transitional Federal Government in Somalia. While other nations of the Horn and the wider international community pursue a common strategy for lasting peace and stability there, Eritrea encourages unending violence, especially in Mogadishu. Eritrea is also believed to support Ethiopian insurgents, including the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).
President Isaias is leading Eritrea toward ever-worsening repression and hardship, and has made exacerbated regional instability an Eritrean national priority. Our relations with Eritrea are increasingly strained by these policies.
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary
Eritrea's boundary dispute with Ethiopia remains an imminent threat to the tenuous peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and is symptomatic of the deep divisions between them. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (the EEBC), was established by the Algiers Agreements which brought an end to the 1998-2000 Ethiopia-Eritrea war. The EEBC’s mission was to define the border between them.
The EEBC issued its delimitation determination in 2002. That determination established the boundary defined by earlier treaties and agreements. Owing to its inability to achieve physical demarcation of the border since 2002 -- that is, by placing physical boundary markers along the border -- the EEBC attempted to fulfill its mandate through demarcation by map coordinates (sometimes called 'virtual demarcation’ since no markers are placed), then declared its own dissolution on November 30 of this year. It is now up to both parties, Eritrea and Ethiopia, to implement physical demarcation of their common border in consultation with each other.
The U.S. government has consistently called on both parties to cooperate with the EEBC and meet their commitments as spelled out in the Algiers Agreements. We believe it is essential for the parties to undertake direct discussions to resolve how to do so, as well as address the other issues that divide them. We will continue our efforts and support those of others to resolve this issue.
Djibouti
Djibouti celebrated 30 years of independence in June. Those thirty years stand in stark contrast to Eritrea's experience, and epitomize both the promise and the challenges of the Horn.
Djibouti has moved beyond violent civil conflict since 2000, with the end of fighting between the government and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy and the return of the Front’s leader to Djibouti. General elections in 1999 and 2003 were orderly and peaceful, although marred by a boycott by the major opposition coalition. Despite that boycott, opposition members are represented in local and regional councils. More needs to be done to ensure that all citizens have a voice in government, but Djibouti's transition from civil war to a peaceful democratic political process has been a great step forward.
Djibouti remains a poor country. Its annual per capita income is still below $1000. However, its vision for development of its key assets – that is, its port and strategic location along major sea routes -- offers great promise. Tonnage at the Port of Djibouti tripled after the 1998 Eritrea-Ethiopia war, when Ethiopia lost access to the Eritrean port of Assab. Afterwards. tonnage increased 30 per cent each year between 2002 and 2004.
The United States has long enjoyed very positive relations with Djibouti. We have seen this partnership continue to deepen. Djibouti’s port is increasingly used by U.S. shippers. Djibouti has hosted the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa since 2002, with great benefit to both Djibouti and other nations of the Horn. Djibouti plays an increasingly important diplomatic role as a bridge to other countries of the Horn and between African and Arab states.
Somalia
I'll now turn to Somalia. The United States continues to support efforts to achieve lasting peace and stability in Somalia and bring economic development to its people. This goal is a priority for the United States. We believe that the key to long-term stability in Somalia and the key to protecting Somalia from serving as a safe haven for terrorists is inclusive political dialogue between the Transitional Federal Government (the TFG) and key Somalian stakeholders. This kind of dialogue will permit resumption of the transitional process outlined by the Transitional Federal Charter and the full deployment of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
With the recent appointment of Nur 'Adde' Hassan Hussein as Prime Minister, the TFG has a fresh opportunity to revitalize efforts toward lasting political resolution and the program for national elections in 2009, outlined in the TFG's Charter. We continue to encourage TFG leadership to reach out to all Somalians who seek lasting peace and stability.
We work through the United Nations and NGO partners to improve governance in southern and central Somalia, including programs to re-establish effective judicial, legislative, and administrative institutions under the TFG. We hope that Prime Minister Nur Adde will draw on his personal experience in Somalia's security and legal sectors to rebuild Somalian civic institutions, address the needs of the country’s million and a half displaced persons, and eliminate impediments to international humanitarian assistance.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, and has provided more than $180 million in humanitarian and development assistance in the last two years. Working with the United Nations and our NGO partners, the United States provides assistance for internally-displaced persons and other vulnerable populations inside Somalia.
The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is a critical component of regional and international efforts to stabilize Somalia and support political dialogue and reconciliation, including creation of conditions necessary for withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somalia. AMISOM is now staffed by 1600 Ugandan soldiers. Deployment of 700 Burundian soldiers has begun, and we anticipate deployment of additional contingents from Burundi, Ghana, and Nigeria in the coming months. The United States has provided $60 million in support of AMISOM deployments and follow-on logistical requirements.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles and foreign ministers from the Horn in Addis Ababa on December 5 to review progress in Somalia. At that meeting she emphasized ongoing U.S. humanitarian and development assistance to Somalia and stressed the urgency of timely deployment of additional AMISOM contingents to bring greater stability and security. She also emphasized the U.S. commitment to a regional approach to resolving the crises in Somalia.
Kenya
Kenya is an African success story. Kenya is beginning to enjoy the fruits of its stability and openness. Its economy has grown by more than 6 per cent annually in recent years. It enjoys a growing middle class. Lack of transparency in government spending and regulation slows its vibrant economy, so we continue to urge more focused leadership from the Government of
Kenya to end corruption. Kenya stands out as one of Africa’s strongest economies -- an economy driven by a diverse mix of industrial production, services, and commercial agriculture, and one which we believe has potential for much greater growth.
Kenya’s Northeast Province is home to ethnic Somalis with ties to clans in Somalia. Kenya's Somali community is a magnet for Somali refugees fleeing violence in Somalia and Ethiopia's Ogaden. Kenya closed its border with Somalia in January, but more than 1,000 refugees still arrive each month. A significant number of Oromos reside in northern Kenya as well. Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, which further ties northern Kenya to Ethiopia.
Kenya’s 2002 elections were an important step on Kenya’s path to full democracy. This year's national elections on December 27 should consolidate those gains. The U.S. is providing elections training to civil society organizations, political parties, and youth and women candidates, as well as supporting the Electoral Commission of Kenya ensure that these elections are smooth, free, fair, and transparent.
Nairobi hosts the largest U.S. diplomatic mission in sub-Saharan Africa. Our Mission there has responsibilities for U.S. goals and objectives in Kenya and across the Horn. Our bilateral assistance program for Kenya is more than $500 million for 2007. Cash and commodities from the U.S. to Kenya from public and private sources amount to about $1.5 billion each year.
We work closely with the government of Kenya on a broad range of regional concerns, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement to resolve hostilities in Sudan and the International Contact Group and bilateral initiatives on Somalia. In its capacity as Chair of the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) -- the regional sponsor of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government -- Kenya plays a leading role in promoting peace and stability for all the Horn of Africa.
Ethiopia
With a diverse population of more than 80 million and borders with all the other countries of the Horn, Ethiopia, like Kenya, is a key strategic partner for the United States for the Horn as well as Africa as a whole. We work together on a wide range of economic and social development initiatives to buttress regional stability.
We systematically promote progress toward democracy and democratic institutions in Ethiopia. As you know, the runup to Ethiopia's May 2005 national elections was the most open, free, and genuinely competitive political campaign in Ethiopia's history. Opposition candidates enjoyed unprecedented opportunity to rally support and campaign against ruling party opponents.
Unfortunately, democracy suffered a reverse in the contentious aftermath of the 2005 vote. The opposition turned out in force to demonstrate against official election results. 200 demonstrators, bystanders, and policemen died in these demonstrations. Hundreds of opposition members and their leaders were jailed. Much of the independent media was shut down. With the release of opposition leaders this past summer after lengthy mediation by respected elders, Ethiopia’s political leaders have a new opportunity to go forward with democratic reforms.
The U.S. insistently and urgently encourages the full range of Ethiopians to remain engaged in a democratic political process. U.S. programs bring together leaders from across the political spectrum to address critical questions of national governance and the future of the country, build the capacity of parliament, and bolster judicial independence.
Democracy in Ethiopia is still embryonic. Key issues, including the media law and political party funding, remain to be addressed. We encourage Ethiopia's leadership to insure that legitimate opposition enjoys access to media and the ability to campaign freely in the months remaining before local elections in April 2008. Our Embassy in Addis Ababa, in partnership with other donors, is building the capacity of the Ethiopian National Electoral Board and supports its training outreach to NGOs that will conduct voter education campaigns.
We continue a broad program of U.S. humanitarian and development assistance for Ethiopia. Overall, we will provide half a billion dollars in assistance to Ethiopia this year – on par with our assistance to Kenya. $160 million in humanitarian assistance will help Ethiopia break the cycle of famine and ease the impact of drought and other natural disasters. We are providing over $300 million to the health care system in Ethiopia, especially to help Ethiopia combat HIV/AIDS. In conflict-prone areas, U.S. programs bring together representatives from diverse communities to build understanding and prevent new conflicts from erupting. We are working with the Ethiopian National Defense Force (the ENDF) to assure that it remains a professional and apolitical defense force. We are confident that, working together with all stakeholders, we can help Ethiopia become more secure, more democratic, and more prosperous.
The Ogaden
The Ogaden area of Ethiopia's Somali Region has historically been marginalized and underdeveloped. It now faces a humanitarian crisis owing to drought and especially an active insurgency led by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (the ONLF). The ONLF insurgency is regional as well as internal to Ethiopia, since the ONLF uses Somalia as a safe haven to evade Ethiopian forces. The ONLF receives support from other anti-Ethiopian groups connected to terrorism. It appears clear that the ONLF receives support from Eritrea, including weapons and training. The growing ONLF insurgency has brought on harsh counterinsurgency operations, severe restrictions on commerce to interdict supplies for insurgents and avoid land mines, and forced relocation of communities.
The ONLF has been fighting the Ethiopian government since well before the current government took power in 1991. Over the past year ONLF attacks have become much more deadly. In April 2007 the ONLF attacked a Chinese oil exploration facility. Nine Chinese oil workers and 77 Ethiopians died in the attack. The ENDF responded to the unprecedented April 2007 attack with an aggressive counterinsurgency campaign beginning in May of this year. The ENDF undertook search and destroy missions and restricted humanitarian food aid and commercial shipments in much of the Ogaden to deny insurgents food, weapons, and munitions. Human rights abuses by both sides have been reported since this campaign began, including razing of villages and forced removal of populations. According to the UN, land mines have recently been laid by the ONLF. On July 29 three aid workers were killed when their vehicle hit a recently planted mine. Another occasionally violent ethnic movement, the Oromo Liberation Front (the OLF), may have links with the ONLF as well. There have been reports of Ethiopian soldiers of Oromo background deserting to the ONLF, then joining the OLF in eastern Oromiya.
Commercial deliveries from Somalia normally provide 80 per cent of the Ogaden's food. Commercial traffic from Somalia began to decline in January 2007, before the current ENDF campaign, but recently-imposed restrictions have reduced commercial food shipments to a trickle. Food prices have doubled in most of the Ogaden. Prices for livestock -- whose sale is a primary component of household income for many Ogadenis -- have been severely depressed since herders have been unable to ship animals to markets in Somalia. NGOs have curtailed operations in the Ogaden because of security risks, and medical supplies have become increasingly scarce.
Humanitarian conditions in the Ogaden have reached crisis levels. A UN assessment team traveled through the Ogaden in early September, and other NGO and a USAID team have also made assessments. There is general agreement in the donor community that at least 800,000 individuals in the Ogaden will need humanitarian assistance, especially food aid, in coming months.
U.S. response to current conditions in the Ogaden
On August 24 our Ambassador in Addis Ababa announced a $19 million humanitarian assistance program for the Somali region. In early September Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer visited Gode, the major base for relief operations in the Ogaden, to see first hand how the humanitarian needs of the area are being met. Our Embassy has been working diligently to coordinate NGO and international donor operations with the Ethiopian government to address the crisis in the Ogaden.
Our Embassy was decisive in encouraging the Ethiopian government to allow UN, NGO, and USAID assessment missions into the Ogaden. On November 24 USAID Administrator Fore announced in Addis Ababa that the U.S. government has allocated an additional $25 million in food assistance for the Ogaden. Total U.S. food assistance for the Ogaden is now $44 million.
We continue to work for greater humanitarian access to the Ogaden at the highest levels. Several NGOs and UN offices have resumed or are planning to resume operations there. 19 NGOs have been authorized to resume work in the Ogaden, and two UN offices have reopened -- one in Kebre Dahar and another in Degahabur.
UN Under Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs John Holmes visited the Ogaden in late November to facilitate return of UN relief agencies. He told reporters that Prime Minister Meles agreed to a joint assessment of humanitarian conditions in the Ogaden with the UN; we expect a joint World Food Program and Ethiopian government assessment mission to begin December 17. We will continue to be primary contributors to assistance operations that follow that assessment. Humanitarian and commercial shipments have brought food to major towns in the Ogaden, although distribution to smaller settlements remains a challenge. The Ethiopian government recently increased the number of food distribution sites in the area to 174. We understand that limited commercial food deliveries have recently resumed.
The only immediate solution to the humanitarian crisis in the Ogaden is a credible cessation of hostilities by the ONLF so that food and medical supplies can be delivered at levels necessary to meet the region's urgent needs, both through humanitarian efforts and through commercial channels. A credible cessation of hostilities will permit commerce to resume, including both food deliveries to the Ogaden from Somalia and shipment of Ogadeni livestock to markets in Somalia. We are eager to support a cessation of hostilities in the Ogaden.
When security conditions have stabilized, the Ethiopian government and the Ogadeni people must begin effective dialogue to end the insurgency permanently and to address Ogadeni aspirations. Prime Minister Meles, when he spoke to the Ethiopian Parliament in October, underscored his government’s willingness to open discussions with the ONLF. The ONLF has stated its willingness to begin such discussions with the Ethiopian government as well. When the humanitarian needs of Ogadenis have been met, a path must be found to bring lasting peace, security, and prosperity to the Ogaden.
In her recent meetings in Addis Ababa, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stressed our partnership with the Ethiopian government to support Ethiopia’s economic development, address humanitarian concerns, and further Ethiopia’s pursuit of democracy. For the Ogaden, she promised further substantial U.S. food and medical assistance and pressed for full resumption of commerce to ensure that adequate food deliveries reach the people of the region. The U.S. government is determined that the crisis in the Ogaden be quickly and effectively addressed.
Released on December 13, 2007
Remarks from the Conference Working Toward A Lasting Peace in the OgadenThe University of San Diego, CADecember 7, 2007
Thank you for inviting me to join you here in San Diego. I want to thank the Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace and Justice, the University of San Diego, and the Ogaden Voice for Peace for this opportunity to discuss U.S. policy and engagement in the Horn of Africa, especially as it addresses Ethiopia’s Ogaden. In the Horn as elsewhere in Africa, our policy is to support good governance and prosperity for all Africans. These goals entail working to support democracy and Africa's full participation in the world economy, and, in today's world, containing international terrorism.
The Horn of Africa
As all of you know -- some much better than I -- the Horn of Africa is beset with challenges. It has been plagued with revolutions, guerrilla wars, and international conflicts since the post-colonial era began. It is a region that has historically suffered poor governance -- one need only point to the brutality of Ethiopia’s Derg, authoritarian one-party systems in much of the region until the 1990s, and Somalia’s lack of government until very recently. Winner-take-all politics and violent regime change have been the norm. The Horn's often adverse political and security climate has been a profound impediment to the region's economic development.
The Horn ranks near the bottom according to most human development indicators. The region is socially, environmentally and economically challenged. Most of its countries are lagging on the path of economic development. Despite these longstanding challenges, there are many signs of progress.
Djibouti has held peaceful elections, its port has become an economic hub, and its government has become an international partner in the fight against terrorism. Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, despite its ongoing challenges, offers the best hope for peace and stability in that tragic country for the past 20 years. Kenya has achieved strong rates of economic growth and investment as its vigorous civil society helps to fortify democratic institutions. Despite setbacks, Ethiopia continues to struggle toward democratic governance and effective anti-poverty programs. All of these countries and governments are increasingly close partners of the United States. The exception to this broadly favorable picture is Eritrea. Eritrea is increasingly authoritarian, its economy continues to worsen, and it now has established a record of interference in the affairs of its neighbors. Nonetheless, while progress is incremental, the overall trajectory of the Horn is positive.
Our Embassies in the Horn are the U.S. government’s principal platforms for promoting effective cooperation, governance reform and sustainable development. We also have a great asset to support the people of the Horn in the U.S. Central Command's Combined Joint Task Force - Horn of Africa, based in Djibouti. This Task Force is contributing to the professionalization and improved effectiveness of national armed forces in the Horn.
Eritrea
I'll now address key U.S. interests and concerns for each of the countries of the Horn, beginning with Eritrea. Eritrea is in the throes of ongoing economic decline led by a short-sighted and oppressive government. It is sorrowful to consider what has become of Eritrea in the 14 years since it gained independence. Its praiseworthy constitution has yet to be promulgated -- a sad index of the country's failed promise. President Isaias has become increasingly isolated in the region as he actively seeks to destabilize the Horn by fueling insurgencies among his neighbors and supporting groups linked to international terrorists.
Eritrean government policies have choked the Eritrean economy and consolidated power among a small group surrounding President Isaias. The government actively blocks humanitarian assistance from international donors and interdicts economic development projects, despite the enthusiasm of the international donor community to help Eritreans emerge from poverty and dependence on remittances from the Eritrean diaspora. Eritreans who flee the country's economic morass or its political repression risk their families' imprisonment and heavy fines. President Isaias permits no political opposition and no independent media. Any senior government official who dares to speak out is subject to severe punishment.
Eritrea pursues expensive and dangerous adventurism in the Horn. Eritrea materially supports extremists to undermine the internationally-supported Transitional Federal Government in Somalia. While other nations of the Horn and the wider international community pursue a common strategy for lasting peace and stability there, Eritrea encourages unending violence, especially in Mogadishu. Eritrea is also believed to support Ethiopian insurgents, including the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).
President Isaias is leading Eritrea toward ever-worsening repression and hardship, and has made exacerbated regional instability an Eritrean national priority. Our relations with Eritrea are increasingly strained by these policies.
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary
Eritrea's boundary dispute with Ethiopia remains an imminent threat to the tenuous peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and is symptomatic of the deep divisions between them. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (the EEBC), was established by the Algiers Agreements which brought an end to the 1998-2000 Ethiopia-Eritrea war. The EEBC’s mission was to define the border between them.
The EEBC issued its delimitation determination in 2002. That determination established the boundary defined by earlier treaties and agreements. Owing to its inability to achieve physical demarcation of the border since 2002 -- that is, by placing physical boundary markers along the border -- the EEBC attempted to fulfill its mandate through demarcation by map coordinates (sometimes called 'virtual demarcation’ since no markers are placed), then declared its own dissolution on November 30 of this year. It is now up to both parties, Eritrea and Ethiopia, to implement physical demarcation of their common border in consultation with each other.
The U.S. government has consistently called on both parties to cooperate with the EEBC and meet their commitments as spelled out in the Algiers Agreements. We believe it is essential for the parties to undertake direct discussions to resolve how to do so, as well as address the other issues that divide them. We will continue our efforts and support those of others to resolve this issue.
Djibouti
Djibouti celebrated 30 years of independence in June. Those thirty years stand in stark contrast to Eritrea's experience, and epitomize both the promise and the challenges of the Horn.
Djibouti has moved beyond violent civil conflict since 2000, with the end of fighting between the government and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy and the return of the Front’s leader to Djibouti. General elections in 1999 and 2003 were orderly and peaceful, although marred by a boycott by the major opposition coalition. Despite that boycott, opposition members are represented in local and regional councils. More needs to be done to ensure that all citizens have a voice in government, but Djibouti's transition from civil war to a peaceful democratic political process has been a great step forward.
Djibouti remains a poor country. Its annual per capita income is still below $1000. However, its vision for development of its key assets – that is, its port and strategic location along major sea routes -- offers great promise. Tonnage at the Port of Djibouti tripled after the 1998 Eritrea-Ethiopia war, when Ethiopia lost access to the Eritrean port of Assab. Afterwards. tonnage increased 30 per cent each year between 2002 and 2004.
The United States has long enjoyed very positive relations with Djibouti. We have seen this partnership continue to deepen. Djibouti’s port is increasingly used by U.S. shippers. Djibouti has hosted the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa since 2002, with great benefit to both Djibouti and other nations of the Horn. Djibouti plays an increasingly important diplomatic role as a bridge to other countries of the Horn and between African and Arab states.
Somalia
I'll now turn to Somalia. The United States continues to support efforts to achieve lasting peace and stability in Somalia and bring economic development to its people. This goal is a priority for the United States. We believe that the key to long-term stability in Somalia and the key to protecting Somalia from serving as a safe haven for terrorists is inclusive political dialogue between the Transitional Federal Government (the TFG) and key Somalian stakeholders. This kind of dialogue will permit resumption of the transitional process outlined by the Transitional Federal Charter and the full deployment of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
With the recent appointment of Nur 'Adde' Hassan Hussein as Prime Minister, the TFG has a fresh opportunity to revitalize efforts toward lasting political resolution and the program for national elections in 2009, outlined in the TFG's Charter. We continue to encourage TFG leadership to reach out to all Somalians who seek lasting peace and stability.
We work through the United Nations and NGO partners to improve governance in southern and central Somalia, including programs to re-establish effective judicial, legislative, and administrative institutions under the TFG. We hope that Prime Minister Nur Adde will draw on his personal experience in Somalia's security and legal sectors to rebuild Somalian civic institutions, address the needs of the country’s million and a half displaced persons, and eliminate impediments to international humanitarian assistance.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, and has provided more than $180 million in humanitarian and development assistance in the last two years. Working with the United Nations and our NGO partners, the United States provides assistance for internally-displaced persons and other vulnerable populations inside Somalia.
The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is a critical component of regional and international efforts to stabilize Somalia and support political dialogue and reconciliation, including creation of conditions necessary for withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somalia. AMISOM is now staffed by 1600 Ugandan soldiers. Deployment of 700 Burundian soldiers has begun, and we anticipate deployment of additional contingents from Burundi, Ghana, and Nigeria in the coming months. The United States has provided $60 million in support of AMISOM deployments and follow-on logistical requirements.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles and foreign ministers from the Horn in Addis Ababa on December 5 to review progress in Somalia. At that meeting she emphasized ongoing U.S. humanitarian and development assistance to Somalia and stressed the urgency of timely deployment of additional AMISOM contingents to bring greater stability and security. She also emphasized the U.S. commitment to a regional approach to resolving the crises in Somalia.
Kenya
Kenya is an African success story. Kenya is beginning to enjoy the fruits of its stability and openness. Its economy has grown by more than 6 per cent annually in recent years. It enjoys a growing middle class. Lack of transparency in government spending and regulation slows its vibrant economy, so we continue to urge more focused leadership from the Government of
Kenya to end corruption. Kenya stands out as one of Africa’s strongest economies -- an economy driven by a diverse mix of industrial production, services, and commercial agriculture, and one which we believe has potential for much greater growth.
Kenya’s Northeast Province is home to ethnic Somalis with ties to clans in Somalia. Kenya's Somali community is a magnet for Somali refugees fleeing violence in Somalia and Ethiopia's Ogaden. Kenya closed its border with Somalia in January, but more than 1,000 refugees still arrive each month. A significant number of Oromos reside in northern Kenya as well. Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, which further ties northern Kenya to Ethiopia.
Kenya’s 2002 elections were an important step on Kenya’s path to full democracy. This year's national elections on December 27 should consolidate those gains. The U.S. is providing elections training to civil society organizations, political parties, and youth and women candidates, as well as supporting the Electoral Commission of Kenya ensure that these elections are smooth, free, fair, and transparent.
Nairobi hosts the largest U.S. diplomatic mission in sub-Saharan Africa. Our Mission there has responsibilities for U.S. goals and objectives in Kenya and across the Horn. Our bilateral assistance program for Kenya is more than $500 million for 2007. Cash and commodities from the U.S. to Kenya from public and private sources amount to about $1.5 billion each year.
We work closely with the government of Kenya on a broad range of regional concerns, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement to resolve hostilities in Sudan and the International Contact Group and bilateral initiatives on Somalia. In its capacity as Chair of the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) -- the regional sponsor of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government -- Kenya plays a leading role in promoting peace and stability for all the Horn of Africa.
Ethiopia
With a diverse population of more than 80 million and borders with all the other countries of the Horn, Ethiopia, like Kenya, is a key strategic partner for the United States for the Horn as well as Africa as a whole. We work together on a wide range of economic and social development initiatives to buttress regional stability.
We systematically promote progress toward democracy and democratic institutions in Ethiopia. As you know, the runup to Ethiopia's May 2005 national elections was the most open, free, and genuinely competitive political campaign in Ethiopia's history. Opposition candidates enjoyed unprecedented opportunity to rally support and campaign against ruling party opponents.
Unfortunately, democracy suffered a reverse in the contentious aftermath of the 2005 vote. The opposition turned out in force to demonstrate against official election results. 200 demonstrators, bystanders, and policemen died in these demonstrations. Hundreds of opposition members and their leaders were jailed. Much of the independent media was shut down. With the release of opposition leaders this past summer after lengthy mediation by respected elders, Ethiopia’s political leaders have a new opportunity to go forward with democratic reforms.
The U.S. insistently and urgently encourages the full range of Ethiopians to remain engaged in a democratic political process. U.S. programs bring together leaders from across the political spectrum to address critical questions of national governance and the future of the country, build the capacity of parliament, and bolster judicial independence.
Democracy in Ethiopia is still embryonic. Key issues, including the media law and political party funding, remain to be addressed. We encourage Ethiopia's leadership to insure that legitimate opposition enjoys access to media and the ability to campaign freely in the months remaining before local elections in April 2008. Our Embassy in Addis Ababa, in partnership with other donors, is building the capacity of the Ethiopian National Electoral Board and supports its training outreach to NGOs that will conduct voter education campaigns.
We continue a broad program of U.S. humanitarian and development assistance for Ethiopia. Overall, we will provide half a billion dollars in assistance to Ethiopia this year – on par with our assistance to Kenya. $160 million in humanitarian assistance will help Ethiopia break the cycle of famine and ease the impact of drought and other natural disasters. We are providing over $300 million to the health care system in Ethiopia, especially to help Ethiopia combat HIV/AIDS. In conflict-prone areas, U.S. programs bring together representatives from diverse communities to build understanding and prevent new conflicts from erupting. We are working with the Ethiopian National Defense Force (the ENDF) to assure that it remains a professional and apolitical defense force. We are confident that, working together with all stakeholders, we can help Ethiopia become more secure, more democratic, and more prosperous.
The Ogaden
The Ogaden area of Ethiopia's Somali Region has historically been marginalized and underdeveloped. It now faces a humanitarian crisis owing to drought and especially an active insurgency led by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (the ONLF). The ONLF insurgency is regional as well as internal to Ethiopia, since the ONLF uses Somalia as a safe haven to evade Ethiopian forces. The ONLF receives support from other anti-Ethiopian groups connected to terrorism. It appears clear that the ONLF receives support from Eritrea, including weapons and training. The growing ONLF insurgency has brought on harsh counterinsurgency operations, severe restrictions on commerce to interdict supplies for insurgents and avoid land mines, and forced relocation of communities.
The ONLF has been fighting the Ethiopian government since well before the current government took power in 1991. Over the past year ONLF attacks have become much more deadly. In April 2007 the ONLF attacked a Chinese oil exploration facility. Nine Chinese oil workers and 77 Ethiopians died in the attack. The ENDF responded to the unprecedented April 2007 attack with an aggressive counterinsurgency campaign beginning in May of this year. The ENDF undertook search and destroy missions and restricted humanitarian food aid and commercial shipments in much of the Ogaden to deny insurgents food, weapons, and munitions. Human rights abuses by both sides have been reported since this campaign began, including razing of villages and forced removal of populations. According to the UN, land mines have recently been laid by the ONLF. On July 29 three aid workers were killed when their vehicle hit a recently planted mine. Another occasionally violent ethnic movement, the Oromo Liberation Front (the OLF), may have links with the ONLF as well. There have been reports of Ethiopian soldiers of Oromo background deserting to the ONLF, then joining the OLF in eastern Oromiya.
Commercial deliveries from Somalia normally provide 80 per cent of the Ogaden's food. Commercial traffic from Somalia began to decline in January 2007, before the current ENDF campaign, but recently-imposed restrictions have reduced commercial food shipments to a trickle. Food prices have doubled in most of the Ogaden. Prices for livestock -- whose sale is a primary component of household income for many Ogadenis -- have been severely depressed since herders have been unable to ship animals to markets in Somalia. NGOs have curtailed operations in the Ogaden because of security risks, and medical supplies have become increasingly scarce.
Humanitarian conditions in the Ogaden have reached crisis levels. A UN assessment team traveled through the Ogaden in early September, and other NGO and a USAID team have also made assessments. There is general agreement in the donor community that at least 800,000 individuals in the Ogaden will need humanitarian assistance, especially food aid, in coming months.
U.S. response to current conditions in the Ogaden
On August 24 our Ambassador in Addis Ababa announced a $19 million humanitarian assistance program for the Somali region. In early September Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer visited Gode, the major base for relief operations in the Ogaden, to see first hand how the humanitarian needs of the area are being met. Our Embassy has been working diligently to coordinate NGO and international donor operations with the Ethiopian government to address the crisis in the Ogaden.
Our Embassy was decisive in encouraging the Ethiopian government to allow UN, NGO, and USAID assessment missions into the Ogaden. On November 24 USAID Administrator Fore announced in Addis Ababa that the U.S. government has allocated an additional $25 million in food assistance for the Ogaden. Total U.S. food assistance for the Ogaden is now $44 million.
We continue to work for greater humanitarian access to the Ogaden at the highest levels. Several NGOs and UN offices have resumed or are planning to resume operations there. 19 NGOs have been authorized to resume work in the Ogaden, and two UN offices have reopened -- one in Kebre Dahar and another in Degahabur.
UN Under Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs John Holmes visited the Ogaden in late November to facilitate return of UN relief agencies. He told reporters that Prime Minister Meles agreed to a joint assessment of humanitarian conditions in the Ogaden with the UN; we expect a joint World Food Program and Ethiopian government assessment mission to begin December 17. We will continue to be primary contributors to assistance operations that follow that assessment. Humanitarian and commercial shipments have brought food to major towns in the Ogaden, although distribution to smaller settlements remains a challenge. The Ethiopian government recently increased the number of food distribution sites in the area to 174. We understand that limited commercial food deliveries have recently resumed.
The only immediate solution to the humanitarian crisis in the Ogaden is a credible cessation of hostilities by the ONLF so that food and medical supplies can be delivered at levels necessary to meet the region's urgent needs, both through humanitarian efforts and through commercial channels. A credible cessation of hostilities will permit commerce to resume, including both food deliveries to the Ogaden from Somalia and shipment of Ogadeni livestock to markets in Somalia. We are eager to support a cessation of hostilities in the Ogaden.
When security conditions have stabilized, the Ethiopian government and the Ogadeni people must begin effective dialogue to end the insurgency permanently and to address Ogadeni aspirations. Prime Minister Meles, when he spoke to the Ethiopian Parliament in October, underscored his government’s willingness to open discussions with the ONLF. The ONLF has stated its willingness to begin such discussions with the Ethiopian government as well. When the humanitarian needs of Ogadenis have been met, a path must be found to bring lasting peace, security, and prosperity to the Ogaden.
In her recent meetings in Addis Ababa, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stressed our partnership with the Ethiopian government to support Ethiopia’s economic development, address humanitarian concerns, and further Ethiopia’s pursuit of democracy. For the Ogaden, she promised further substantial U.S. food and medical assistance and pressed for full resumption of commerce to ensure that adequate food deliveries reach the people of the region. The U.S. government is determined that the crisis in the Ogaden be quickly and effectively addressed.
Released on December 13, 2007
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